Last week, the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in the case of Mahmoud v. Taylor, a fight between a devout Muslim family and the Montgomery County school district that raises important questions about the rights of parents and the religious freedom of children in public schools. I mentioned the case in the newsletter a few weeks ago, noting that it puts religious Christians, Muslims, and Jews on the same side. Timothy Carney takes a close look at the facts of the case:

Montgomery County Public Schools was uncontested in its right to line its bookshelves with pornographic material, and to fill their curricula, from kindergarten through 12th grade, with material that pushes the district’s ideology and worldview, which includes transgenderism, critical race theory, and rejection of the major religions.

The question was whether religious parents have the right to opt their children out of this public-school system’s religious programming. . . . Montgomery County’s attorney tried to argue that the mandatory books about gender identity and homosexuality for first graders were simply intended “to influence them towards civility,” but that’s not all the school districts do when they preach these books from the classroom, when they fly the 11- or 12-colored pride flags on the walls, and when they post the gender unicorn in the hallways.

Considering the current state of Israel-Arab relations, Ghaith al-Omari writes

First and foremost, no ceasefire will be possible without the release of Israeli hostages and commitments to disarm Hamas and remove it from power. The final say on these matters rests with Hamas commanders on the ground in Gaza, who have been largely impervious to foreign pressure so far. At minimum, however, the United States should insist that Qatari and Egyptian mediators push Hamas’s external leadership to accept these conditions publicly, which could increase pressure on the group’s Gaza leadership.

Washington should also demand a clear, public position from key Arab states regarding disarmament. The Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas endorsed this position in a June letter to Saudi Arabia and France, giving Arab states Palestinian cover for endorsing it themselves.

Some Arab states have already indicated a willingness to play a significant role, but they will have little incentive to commit resources and personnel to Gaza unless Israel (1) provides guarantees that it will not occupy the Strip indefinitely, and (2) removes its veto on a PA role in Gaza’s future, even if only symbolic at first. Arab officials are also seeking assurances that any role they play in Gaza will be in the context of a wider effort to reach a two-state solution.

On the other hand, Washington must remain mindful that current conditions between Israel and the Palestinians are not remotely conducive to . . . implementing a two-state solution.