Throughout the West, Jewish communities have had to deal with an alarming rise in anti-Semitism since the Hamas attacks on Israel. Perhaps the country that saw the most dramatic shift was Australia, whose Jews went from thinking themselves better off than most of their diasporic coreligionists to witnessing a stream of horrors. Bruce Hill reports, however, that hostility toward Jews isn’t the only thing that’s spiked: Australian rabbis across the denominational spectrum have observed an increase in conversions:

“I think that the events of October 7 have acted as a catalyst for people who were on the fence and thinking about it beforehand anyway,” said Rabbi Yaakov Glasman of St. Kilda Shule, an Orthodox synagogue in Melbourne known for being conversion-friendly.

Rabbi Gabi Kaltmann of Melbourne’s Ark Center has seen the usual number of potential converts more than double. Rather than being deterred by the attacks or the commitment required, Rabbi Kaltmann says ,“If anything, people want to stand with the Jewish community. They see how beautiful Judaism is. Monotheism resonates with them, they connect to the Torah. And they see how tough it can be to be a Jew, with the rise of anti-Semitism, and regardless, they still are embracing it.”

He’s noticed a shift in attitudes to converts from some people who were born Jewish as well. . . . “There is a deeper embrace of somebody that is converting now, post-October 7, than I’ve [ever] witnessed as a rabbi.”

“They realize that there’s this light that’s been lit within them that’s been dimmed, and they can’t deny it anymore,” explained Rabbi Allison Conyer of Temple Beth Israel, a Progressive shul in Melbourne. “The outside world, the wider community, is forcing a ‘You’re either with us or against us’ [attitude], and it’s forcing them to realize where they’ve been, where they are, and who they are.”

Considering the current state of Israel-Arab relations, Ghaith al-Omari writes

First and foremost, no ceasefire will be possible without the release of Israeli hostages and commitments to disarm Hamas and remove it from power. The final say on these matters rests with Hamas commanders on the ground in Gaza, who have been largely impervious to foreign pressure so far. At minimum, however, the United States should insist that Qatari and Egyptian mediators push Hamas’s external leadership to accept these conditions publicly, which could increase pressure on the group’s Gaza leadership.

Washington should also demand a clear, public position from key Arab states regarding disarmament. The Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas endorsed this position in a June letter to Saudi Arabia and France, giving Arab states Palestinian cover for endorsing it themselves.

Some Arab states have already indicated a willingness to play a significant role, but they will have little incentive to commit resources and personnel to Gaza unless Israel (1) provides guarantees that it will not occupy the Strip indefinitely, and (2) removes its veto on a PA role in Gaza’s future, even if only symbolic at first. Arab officials are also seeking assurances that any role they play in Gaza will be in the context of a wider effort to reach a two-state solution.

On the other hand, Washington must remain mindful that current conditions between Israel and the Palestinians are not remotely conducive to . . . implementing a two-state solution.