After nearly five decades as mashgiah ruhani, or “spiritual supervisor,” at Yeshiva University, Rabbi Yosef Blau has retired in order to move to Israel. The position, created in Eastern Europe in the 19th century, is a sort of combination of dean of students, counselor, and pastor. Speaking with Rikki Zagelbaum, Blau explains how he refashioned this role in his time serving at the leading institution of American Modern Orthodoxy, and how the movement has itself changed over the years:

The rabbi opted to immerse himself in the rhythm of student life, rather than presenting himself as an authority on a hill, and he developed a reputation for roaming the study hall (beit midrash) and initiating conversations with students and building their trust. Not only could students ask him questions about their religious studies, but “I was someone they could talk to about whatever was on their mind,” including personal matters, he said.

As the public became more aware of sexual abuse within Jewish educational settings, he also developed a reputation as a rabbinic and university authority that students and others could seek out and find a ready listener. He was also one of the most prominent advocates for victims in the Orthodox community.

Some of the changes he has witnessed reflects the transformation in the status of Jews in American society:

One such change, he said, has been a decline in student activism and political engagement. When he was an undergraduate, many devoted significant time to volunteering or activist work. “We were very intellectually involved in the issues of the world,” he said. But today, he thinks, the issues that motivated that activism have faded.

“Schools no longer gave exams on Shabbat and yom tov. Many colleges had kosher kitchens. Being an Orthodox Jew wasn’t strange,” he said. “After a certain number of years, people get to know you. They get to know you’re there.”

On Monday night, the IDF struck a group of Hamas operatives near the Nasser hospital in Khan Yunis, the main city in southern Gaza. The very fact of this attack was reassuring, as it suggested that the release of Edan Alexander didn’t come with restraints on Israeli military activity. Then, yesterday afternoon, Israeli jets carried out another, larger attack on Khan Yunis, hitting a site where it believed Mohammad Sinwar, the head of Hamas in Gaza, to be hiding. The IDF has not yet confirmed that he was present. There is some hope that the death of Sinwar—who replaced his older brother Yahya after he was killed last year—could have a debilitating effect on Hamas.

Meanwhile, Donald Trump is visiting the Persian Gulf, and it’s unclear how his diplomatic efforts there will affect Israel, its war with Hamas, and Iran. For its part, Jerusalem has committed to resume full-scale operations in Gaza after President Trump returns to the U.S. But, Gabi Simoni and Erez Winner explain, Israel does not have unlimited time to defeat Hamas:

Israel faces persistent security challenges across multiple fronts—Iran, the West Bank, Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon—all demanding significant military resources, especially during periods of escalation. . . . Failing to achieve a decisive victory not only prolongs the conflict but also drains national resources and threatens Israel’s ability to obtain its strategic goals.

Only a swift, forceful military campaign can achieve the war’s objectives: securing the hostages’ release, ensuring Israeli citizens’ safety, and preventing future kidnappings. Avoiding such action won’t just prolong the suffering of the hostages and deepen public uncertainty—it will also drain national resources and weaken Israel’s standing in the region and beyond.

We recommend launching an intense military operation in Gaza without delay, with clear, measurable objectives—crippling Hamas’s military and governance capabilities and securing the release of hostages. Such a campaign should combine military pressure with indirect negotiations, maximizing the chances of a successful outcome while minimizing risks.

Crucially, the operation must be closely coordinated with the United States and moderate Arab states to reduce international pressure and preserve the gains of regional alliances.