In recent weeks, an ongoing internal investigation into the Israeli prime minister has produced reports that he and his wife received various gifts—Cuban cigars, expensive wines, and the like—from well-wishers, but, in Isi Leibler’s judgment, it has failed to uncover any actionable evidence of criminal wrongdoing. The most recent scandal comes in the form of recordings of secret negotiations with the publisher of one of Israel’s largest newspapers—who also happens to be one of his most vociferous critics—in which the prime minister seems to offer legislation favorable to the paper in exchange for better coverage. Neither comes off well. Yet, writes Leibler, all this amounts to so much smoke, but no fire:

Although there is no justification for Netanyahu’s behavior, he has been treated outrageously by the media. Since the 1990s and his first term as prime minister, Netanyahu has been confronted by a barrage of unsubstantiated [and] politically motivated allegations in unsuccessful efforts to discredit him. . . .

Former prime ministers David Ben-Gurion and Menachem Begin were never concerned with the material quality of their lives as reflected by their ascetic lifestyle. Very modest homes, no cigars, and no pink champagne. After them came the hedonists—Ehud Barak, Ariel Sharon, and Netanyahu.

But the situation is aggravated by the double standards applied to Netanyahu compared with other prime ministers. . . . Despite huge pressure from the media, it is unlikely (although still possible) that Netanyahu will be indicted for corruption or criminality. But his recorded discussions . . . played into the hands of his foes and disgusted most Israelis. On top of that, in addition to his social weaknesses, the use-by date for most politicians in the democratic world rarely extends beyond ten years, which Netanyahu has exceeded.

But, notwithstanding this, the fact remains that, according to all opinion polls, he currently remains vastly more popular than any other potential candidate for prime minister. Israelis believe that at this moment there is nobody who could remotely fill the role as adequately as Netanyahu. It will be the voters of Israel—rather than the hostile media or scheming politicians—who will ultimately determine his political fate. . . .

There is [also] currently no Israeli who has the connections, standing, and ability to communicate the case for Israel with the eloquence and effectiveness in the United States as Netanyahu. . . . Most Israelis, notwithstanding their exasperation, recognize this.

For some time, opponents of U.S support for Israel have been urging the White House to end the war in Gaza, or simply calling for a ceasefire. Douglas Feith and Lewis Libby consider what such a result would actually entail:

Ending the war immediately would allow Hamas to survive and retain military and governing power. Leaving it in the area containing the Sinai-Gaza smuggling routes would ensure that Hamas can rearm. This is why Hamas leaders now plead for a ceasefire. A ceasefire will provide some relief for Gazans today, but a prolonged ceasefire will preserve Hamas’s bloody oppression of Gaza and make future wars with Israel inevitable.

For most Gazans, even when there is no hot war, Hamas’s dictatorship is a nightmarish tyranny. Hamas rule features the torture and murder of regime opponents, official corruption, extremist indoctrination of children, and misery for the population in general. Hamas diverts foreign aid and other resources from proper uses; instead of improving life for the mass of the people, it uses the funds to fight against Palestinians and Israelis.

Moreover, a Hamas-affiliated website warned Gazans last month against cooperating with Israel in securing and delivering the truckloads of aid flowing into the Strip. It promised to deal with those who do with “an iron fist.” In other words, if Hamas remains in power, it will begin torturing, imprisoning, or murdering those it deems collaborators the moment the war ends. Thereafter, Hamas will begin planning its next attack on Israel:

Hamas’s goals are to overshadow the Palestinian Authority, win control of the West Bank, and establish Hamas leadership over the Palestinian revolution. Hamas’s ultimate aim is to spark a regional war to obliterate Israel and, as Hamas leaders steadfastly maintain, fulfill a Quranic vision of killing all Jews.

Hamas planned for corpses of Palestinian babies and mothers to serve as the mainspring of its October 7 war plan. Hamas calculated it could survive a war against a superior Israeli force and energize enemies of Israel around the world. The key to both aims was arranging for grievous Palestinian civilian losses. . . . That element of Hamas’s war plan is working impressively.