As Jerusalem continues to expand its diplomatic horizons, both in the Middle East and further afield, it should, according to Jacob Nagel, take Taipei into consideration.

Israel and Taiwan, as two democracies threatened by dictatorships, should strengthen their ties in all areas, including defense. In the event of any conflict between the United States and China over Taiwan, Israel’s message should be clear and sharp: the Jewish state stands with America, its greatest ally.

It is clear that China is not Israel’s friend, but the Jewish state has not always recognized this reality, and some Israelis don’t admit it even now. . . . More recent developments, however, have made it undeniable that Israeli ties with China run counter to the Jewish state’s interests.

In 2021, Beijing and Tehran signed a 25-year agreement that entails a $400 billion Chinese investment in the Iranian economy in exchange for cheap Iranian oil. The Chinese money would give Iran access to sensitive and advanced Chinese technologies, boost Iran’s defense industry, and support the development of conventional and nuclear weapons. Chinese money would also finance Tehran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, a U.S.-designated terrorist organization, and would enable continued Iranian financing for terrorist groups in the Middle East, including Hizballah and Hamas.

Israel now has a real opportunity to strengthen both Israeli and U.S. interests in Taiwan, at China’s expense. If Israel acts wisely and cautiously, a resource-intensive market may open for Israeli industry, directly or via the United States.

Before exploding electronics in Lebanon seized the attention of the Israeli public, debate there had focused on the Philadelphi Corridor—the strip of land between Gaza and Egypt—and whether the IDF can afford to withdraw from it. Egypt has opposed Israeli control of the corridor, which is crucial to Hamas’s supply lines, and Egyptian objections likely prevented Israel from seizing it earlier in the war. Yet, argues Mariam Wahba, Egypt in the long run only stands to lose by letting Hamas use the corridor, and has proved incapable of effectively sealing it off:

Ultimately, this moment presents an opportunity for the United States to hold Egypt’s feet to the fire.

To press Cairo, the United States should consider conditioning future aid on Cairo’s willingness to cooperate. This should include a demand for greater transparency and independent oversight to verify Egyptian claims about the tunnels. Congress ought to hold hearings to understand better Egypt’s role and its compliance as a U.S. ally. Despite Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s nine trips to the Middle East since the start of the war, there has been little clarity on how Egypt intends to fulfill its role as a mediator.

By refusing to acknowledge Israel’s legitimate security concerns, Egypt is undermining its own interests, prolonging the war in Gaza, and further destabilizing its relationship with Jerusalem. It is time for Egyptian leaders either to admit their inability to secure the border and seek help from Israel and America, or to risk being perceived as enablers of Hamas and its terrorist campaign.