If newspaper headlines are any guide, most of the world’s attention is focused not on the dangers of a nuclear-armed Iran, but on the plight of Gaza’s civilians, whom Hamas is committed to putting in the way of the IDF’s counterattack. Jordan and Egypt, meanwhile, have emphatically declared that they have no interest in taking any refugees from Gaza at all. Haisam Hassanein argues that Egypt’s President Sissi is making a mistake:

Cairo’s main concern is to prevent a refugee crisis that could spill over to its territory and “liquidate” the Palestinian issue. . . . Cairo also worries that hosting Palestinian refugees could pose a national-security threat. Operatives from Hamas and other Gazan terrorist groups could infiltrate by posing as refugees and then launch attacks inside Egypt.

In the long term, [however], the destruction of Hamas would bolster not only Israel’s security but Egypt’s as well. Hamas is an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamist movement founded in Egypt that the Sissi regime regards as a threat. . . . Egypt would be better off backing Israel’s campaign to destroy Hamas and working with Israel and other friendly countries to devise creative proposals to deal with Gazan refugees and post-Hamas governance in the enclave.

On Tuesday, representatives of Hamas met with their counterparts from Fatah—the faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) once led by Yasir Arafat that now governs parts of the West Bank—in Beijing to discuss possible reconciliation. While it is unlikely that these talks will yield any more progress than the many previous rounds, they constitute a significant step in China’s increasing attempts to involve itself in the Middle East on the side of Israel’s enemies.

By contrast, writes Tuvia Gering, Taiwan has been quick and consistent in its condemnations of Hamas and Iran and its expressions of sympathy with Israel:

Support from Taipei goes beyond words. Taiwan’s appointee in Tel Aviv and de-facto ambassador, Abby Lee, has been busy aiding hostage families, adopting the most affected kibbutzim in southern Israel, and volunteering with farmers. Taiwan recently pledged more than half a million dollars to Israel for critical initiatives, including medical and communications supplies for local municipalities. This follows earlier aid from Taiwan to an organization helping Israeli soldiers and families immediately after the October 7 attack.

The reasons why are not hard to fathom:

In many ways, Taiwan sees a reflection of itself in Israel—two vibrant democracies facing threats from hostile neighbors. Both nations wield substantial economic and technological prowess, and both heavily depend on U.S. military exports and diplomacy. Taipei also sees Israel as a “role model” for what Taiwan should aspire to be, citing its unwavering determination and capabilities to defend itself.

On a deeper level, Taiwanese leaders seem to view Israel’s war with Hamas and Iran as an extension of a greater struggle between democracy and autocracy.

Gering urges Israel to reciprocate these expressions of friendship and to take into account that “China has been going above and beyond to demonize the Jewish state in international forums.” Above all, he writes, Jerusalem should “take a firmer stance against China’s support for Hamas and Iran-backed terrorism, exposing the hypocrisy and repression that underpin its vision for a new global order.”