In a public appearance in Wisconsin last week, Vice-President Kamala Harris spoke about the various freedoms Americans cherish, among them “freedom of worship”—a phrase used by Presidents Biden and Obama as well. This is certainly an important right, but, as Timothy Carney observes, the First Amendment guarantee of the “free exercise of religion” refers to something much broader:

How and what we eat is part of our exercise of religion. Christians and Jews are obligated to love our neighbors, and so that is an exercise of our religion. We are obligated to honor our father and mother. Crucially, we exercise our religion by living our daily lives in accordance with the moral teachings of our faith, and so the government infringes on the free exercise of religion if it compels a person to violate his conscience.

Forcing a Quaker to take up arms violates the free exercise of religion. Forcing an observant Jew to work on Saturday violates the free exercise of religion.

Especially for Jews, whose religious practices span many spheres of life not usually considered by Christians, this distinction is critical.

On Tuesday, representatives of Hamas met with their counterparts from Fatah—the faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) once led by Yasir Arafat that now governs parts of the West Bank—in Beijing to discuss possible reconciliation. While it is unlikely that these talks will yield any more progress than the many previous rounds, they constitute a significant step in China’s increasing attempts to involve itself in the Middle East on the side of Israel’s enemies.

By contrast, writes Tuvia Gering, Taiwan has been quick and consistent in its condemnations of Hamas and Iran and its expressions of sympathy with Israel:

Support from Taipei goes beyond words. Taiwan’s appointee in Tel Aviv and de-facto ambassador, Abby Lee, has been busy aiding hostage families, adopting the most affected kibbutzim in southern Israel, and volunteering with farmers. Taiwan recently pledged more than half a million dollars to Israel for critical initiatives, including medical and communications supplies for local municipalities. This follows earlier aid from Taiwan to an organization helping Israeli soldiers and families immediately after the October 7 attack.

The reasons why are not hard to fathom:

In many ways, Taiwan sees a reflection of itself in Israel—two vibrant democracies facing threats from hostile neighbors. Both nations wield substantial economic and technological prowess, and both heavily depend on U.S. military exports and diplomacy. Taipei also sees Israel as a “role model” for what Taiwan should aspire to be, citing its unwavering determination and capabilities to defend itself.

On a deeper level, Taiwanese leaders seem to view Israel’s war with Hamas and Iran as an extension of a greater struggle between democracy and autocracy.

Gering urges Israel to reciprocate these expressions of friendship and to take into account that “China has been going above and beyond to demonize the Jewish state in international forums.” Above all, he writes, Jerusalem should “take a firmer stance against China’s support for Hamas and Iran-backed terrorism, exposing the hypocrisy and repression that underpin its vision for a new global order.”