The government in Tehran understands that many people are susceptible to the absurd belief that Israel is at the root of the world’s problems. With this in mind, the Islamic Republic has played an active role in the explosion of online anti-Semitism since October 7. Emily Blout writes:

Iran’s leaders know the power of prejudice and likely see the war as an opportunity to color the way people around the world see the conflict, and critically, the way they see Iran. That’s why we shouldn’t pass off Iran’s anti-Semitic social- and traditional-media activities solely as an expression of Jew hatred or a denial of Israel’s right to exist. We need to look deeper and see how Tehran uses anti-Semitism to advance its strategic interests.

The Iranian supreme leader Ali Khamenei . . . has, for decades, used thinly veiled anti-Semitic tropes to appeal to the so-called “Arab Street” and bridge the historical and religious divides between Arabs and Persians, Sunnis and Shiites, in a larger bid to establish Iran’s predominance in the Middle East and leadership of the greater Muslim world.

And Iran isn’t the only one playing this game:

There are signs that China is using social media in a similar way: the algorithms of TikTok, for instance, which is used by 67 percent of American teens, have created echo chambers of hate and put fabricated accounts of Israeli atrocities into heavy circulation. . . . Chinese media outlets have been trafficking in anti-Semitism for years now, a practice that has drawn scrutiny during the current war. Indeed, Beijing may aim to bridge the culture gap with Arab populations and generate positive public opinion by expressing unwavering support for Palestinians and demonizing Jews.

On Tuesday, representatives of Hamas met with their counterparts from Fatah—the faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) once led by Yasir Arafat that now governs parts of the West Bank—in Beijing to discuss possible reconciliation. While it is unlikely that these talks will yield any more progress than the many previous rounds, they constitute a significant step in China’s increasing attempts to involve itself in the Middle East on the side of Israel’s enemies.

By contrast, writes Tuvia Gering, Taiwan has been quick and consistent in its condemnations of Hamas and Iran and its expressions of sympathy with Israel:

Support from Taipei goes beyond words. Taiwan’s appointee in Tel Aviv and de-facto ambassador, Abby Lee, has been busy aiding hostage families, adopting the most affected kibbutzim in southern Israel, and volunteering with farmers. Taiwan recently pledged more than half a million dollars to Israel for critical initiatives, including medical and communications supplies for local municipalities. This follows earlier aid from Taiwan to an organization helping Israeli soldiers and families immediately after the October 7 attack.

The reasons why are not hard to fathom:

In many ways, Taiwan sees a reflection of itself in Israel—two vibrant democracies facing threats from hostile neighbors. Both nations wield substantial economic and technological prowess, and both heavily depend on U.S. military exports and diplomacy. Taipei also sees Israel as a “role model” for what Taiwan should aspire to be, citing its unwavering determination and capabilities to defend itself.

On a deeper level, Taiwanese leaders seem to view Israel’s war with Hamas and Iran as an extension of a greater struggle between democracy and autocracy.

Gering urges Israel to reciprocate these expressions of friendship and to take into account that “China has been going above and beyond to demonize the Jewish state in international forums.” Above all, he writes, Jerusalem should “take a firmer stance against China’s support for Hamas and Iran-backed terrorism, exposing the hypocrisy and repression that underpin its vision for a new global order.”