Following the destruction brought by the First Crusade in 1096, two separate intellectual trends emerged among the Jews of northern Europe that would have a tremendous impact on generations to come: in France, rabbis began composing extended, in-depth commentaries on the Talmud known as Tosafot (additions); in Germany, a group of scholars focused their attention on prayer, mysticism, and ascetic practices. Members of the latter group came to be known as Hasidei Ashkenaz (the pious ones of German) or simply hasidim, although they should not be confused with today’s Hasidim, who originated in 18th-century Eastern Europe. Tamar Marvin examines their origins and beliefs:

It has long been debated by scholars what relationship the rise of the Hasidei Ashkenaz bears to the Crusade violence and to contemporary Christian pietistic movements, which it resembles in some aspects. It has been suggested that the movement was a response to the extreme violence of 1096, though some scholars stress continuities to pre-Crusade Ashkenazi Jewish mores and practices. More difficult to prove are contacts between German Christian monastics and the leaders of the Ashkenazi Jewish community, and [evidence of] these contacts remains compelling but circumstantial.

One of the notable factors pointing towards the Hasidei Ashkenaz as a response to the violence of the First, Second, and Third Crusade periods is their fixation on kiddush ha-Shem (martyrdom) and extreme practices of self-mortification.

More central, however, is the Hasidei Ashkenaz’s focus on God’s unity and incorporeality, coupled with a development of Divine intermediaries influenced by Saadya Gaon’s notion of kavod, an emanation of Divine Glory. This interest in intermediaries also led Hasidei Ashkenaz to develop a complex system of demonology and attendant magical rites to counter it. However, they maintained the immanence (presence in the world) of God Himself.

For some time, opponents of U.S support for Israel have been urging the White House to end the war in Gaza, or simply calling for a ceasefire. Douglas Feith and Lewis Libby consider what such a result would actually entail:

Ending the war immediately would allow Hamas to survive and retain military and governing power. Leaving it in the area containing the Sinai-Gaza smuggling routes would ensure that Hamas can rearm. This is why Hamas leaders now plead for a ceasefire. A ceasefire will provide some relief for Gazans today, but a prolonged ceasefire will preserve Hamas’s bloody oppression of Gaza and make future wars with Israel inevitable.

For most Gazans, even when there is no hot war, Hamas’s dictatorship is a nightmarish tyranny. Hamas rule features the torture and murder of regime opponents, official corruption, extremist indoctrination of children, and misery for the population in general. Hamas diverts foreign aid and other resources from proper uses; instead of improving life for the mass of the people, it uses the funds to fight against Palestinians and Israelis.

Moreover, a Hamas-affiliated website warned Gazans last month against cooperating with Israel in securing and delivering the truckloads of aid flowing into the Strip. It promised to deal with those who do with “an iron fist.” In other words, if Hamas remains in power, it will begin torturing, imprisoning, or murdering those it deems collaborators the moment the war ends. Thereafter, Hamas will begin planning its next attack on Israel:

Hamas’s goals are to overshadow the Palestinian Authority, win control of the West Bank, and establish Hamas leadership over the Palestinian revolution. Hamas’s ultimate aim is to spark a regional war to obliterate Israel and, as Hamas leaders steadfastly maintain, fulfill a Quranic vision of killing all Jews.

Hamas planned for corpses of Palestinian babies and mothers to serve as the mainspring of its October 7 war plan. Hamas calculated it could survive a war against a superior Israeli force and energize enemies of Israel around the world. The key to both aims was arranging for grievous Palestinian civilian losses. . . . That element of Hamas’s war plan is working impressively.