Since the 1978 peace treaty, the governments of Egypt and Israel have developed strong ties, and by all accounts military and security cooperation has never been stronger or more extensive. Yet popular anti-Israel sentiment in Egypt is intense; few Egyptians travel to Israel; and social, cultural, and economic ties are almost nonexistent. Haisam Hassanein explains that, paradoxically, much of this sentiment is generated by the Egyptian regime itself:

While Israeli tourism in Egypt has surged during periods of calm, Egyptian tourists have only trickled into Israel, partly because Egyptians who visit Israel risk harassment by Egypt’s security apparatus. . . . Israel often has been the target for protests within Egypt, as well as the subject of numerous conspiracy theories, making every high-level Israeli-Egyptian interaction politically risky for Egyptian officials. . . .

Simply put, an ordinary Egyptian cannot travel to Israel. The government . . . limits such travel to diplomats, journalists, and Coptic pilgrims who wish to visit Christian sites in Jerusalem, though those Christians must be over the age of forty. . . . Consider [also] that multiple public institutions, roads, schools and even cities are named to commemorate the 1973 war, but none honors the [peace] treaty; this reflects the Egyptian government’s refusal to inform its public about peace with Israel. . . .

Therefore, one of the biggest obstacles to full normalization is the Egyptian government, which still engages in anti-Israel rhetoric. The most obvious example took place this past Ramadan, when TV viewing was at its yearly peak. In a TV show sponsored directly by the Egyptian intelligence services, Jews and Israelis continued to be portrayed negatively—as spies, thieves, killers, and socially immoral individuals.

The indoctrination of hate that unfortunately gets passed down from generation to generation hinders opportunities for true peace. The history of the Middle East tells a tragic and cautionary tale that must not be forgotten, but what the region needs is real progress. It needs people who recognize the positive, and work toward a more collective and inclusive future.

For some time, opponents of U.S support for Israel have been urging the White House to end the war in Gaza, or simply calling for a ceasefire. Douglas Feith and Lewis Libby consider what such a result would actually entail:

Ending the war immediately would allow Hamas to survive and retain military and governing power. Leaving it in the area containing the Sinai-Gaza smuggling routes would ensure that Hamas can rearm. This is why Hamas leaders now plead for a ceasefire. A ceasefire will provide some relief for Gazans today, but a prolonged ceasefire will preserve Hamas’s bloody oppression of Gaza and make future wars with Israel inevitable.

For most Gazans, even when there is no hot war, Hamas’s dictatorship is a nightmarish tyranny. Hamas rule features the torture and murder of regime opponents, official corruption, extremist indoctrination of children, and misery for the population in general. Hamas diverts foreign aid and other resources from proper uses; instead of improving life for the mass of the people, it uses the funds to fight against Palestinians and Israelis.

Moreover, a Hamas-affiliated website warned Gazans last month against cooperating with Israel in securing and delivering the truckloads of aid flowing into the Strip. It promised to deal with those who do with “an iron fist.” In other words, if Hamas remains in power, it will begin torturing, imprisoning, or murdering those it deems collaborators the moment the war ends. Thereafter, Hamas will begin planning its next attack on Israel:

Hamas’s goals are to overshadow the Palestinian Authority, win control of the West Bank, and establish Hamas leadership over the Palestinian revolution. Hamas’s ultimate aim is to spark a regional war to obliterate Israel and, as Hamas leaders steadfastly maintain, fulfill a Quranic vision of killing all Jews.

Hamas planned for corpses of Palestinian babies and mothers to serve as the mainspring of its October 7 war plan. Hamas calculated it could survive a war against a superior Israeli force and energize enemies of Israel around the world. The key to both aims was arranging for grievous Palestinian civilian losses. . . . That element of Hamas’s war plan is working impressively.