Last month, Jerusalem worked out a deal with Moscow to secure the release of an Israeli citizen who had crossed the border into Syria. In return, Israel released two captured Syrians, and also spent $1 million to secure Russian-made vaccines for Syria. Micky Aharonson evaluates the agreement:

Israelis traditionally support doing whatever necessary to “bring the boys back home,” whether live soldiers or the bodies of warriors held by the enemy. This approach is rooted in Judaism and Israeli national-communal attitudes of mutual responsibility. The . . . deal seems more reasonable than a trade involving the release of numerous Palestinian prisoners held in Israel, as has happened in previous exchanges of this kind.

In the past, thousands of prisoners, including some with blood on their hands, were released in exchange for even a single Israeli hostage. This drew considerable criticism from the Israeli public (which simultaneously celebrated the return of the hostage). In this respect, the deal stresses Russia’s and Syria’s pragmatic approach (which was rewarded), as opposed to the stalemate with Hamas in Gaza. Hamas still presents excessive demands in the spirit of previous agreements mentioned above, yet the Israeli public is less and less willing to accept disproportionate deals.

Russia seems keen to assume the position of an intermediary between Israel and Syria. A Russian TV channel just aired a new documentary apparently showing Eli Cohen, a legendary Israeli spy who was hanged in Syria in 1965 and whose remains are still in Syria. The documentary was shot by the Russian military attaché in Syria at the time. Notably, it was released just days after the deal that brought the Israeli woman back from Syria.

For Israel, the recent deal is the latest example of the strategic and tactical benefits of the continued coordination in the Syrian arena with Russia that demonstrated Moscow’s readiness to act constructively, although not for free. The question that follows—assuming Russia is willing and able to advance the strategic interests of Israel (and its allies in the Middle East) in Syria—is what the cost would be to limit Iranian military expansion and arms smuggling there.

For some time, opponents of U.S support for Israel have been urging the White House to end the war in Gaza, or simply calling for a ceasefire. Douglas Feith and Lewis Libby consider what such a result would actually entail:

Ending the war immediately would allow Hamas to survive and retain military and governing power. Leaving it in the area containing the Sinai-Gaza smuggling routes would ensure that Hamas can rearm. This is why Hamas leaders now plead for a ceasefire. A ceasefire will provide some relief for Gazans today, but a prolonged ceasefire will preserve Hamas’s bloody oppression of Gaza and make future wars with Israel inevitable.

For most Gazans, even when there is no hot war, Hamas’s dictatorship is a nightmarish tyranny. Hamas rule features the torture and murder of regime opponents, official corruption, extremist indoctrination of children, and misery for the population in general. Hamas diverts foreign aid and other resources from proper uses; instead of improving life for the mass of the people, it uses the funds to fight against Palestinians and Israelis.

Moreover, a Hamas-affiliated website warned Gazans last month against cooperating with Israel in securing and delivering the truckloads of aid flowing into the Strip. It promised to deal with those who do with “an iron fist.” In other words, if Hamas remains in power, it will begin torturing, imprisoning, or murdering those it deems collaborators the moment the war ends. Thereafter, Hamas will begin planning its next attack on Israel:

Hamas’s goals are to overshadow the Palestinian Authority, win control of the West Bank, and establish Hamas leadership over the Palestinian revolution. Hamas’s ultimate aim is to spark a regional war to obliterate Israel and, as Hamas leaders steadfastly maintain, fulfill a Quranic vision of killing all Jews.

Hamas planned for corpses of Palestinian babies and mothers to serve as the mainspring of its October 7 war plan. Hamas calculated it could survive a war against a superior Israeli force and energize enemies of Israel around the world. The key to both aims was arranging for grievous Palestinian civilian losses. . . . That element of Hamas’s war plan is working impressively.