For several weeks, a recurring theme in Israeli headlines has been endemic crime and rising murder rates in Arab towns and neighborhoods in Israel. Prevalent crime leads to a growing sense of lawlessness, and is taking a human toll on the victims and their families. Although these victims are themselves overwhelmingly Arab, there are indications that the same lawlessness gave rise to the anti-Jewish riots that broke out in the spring. Martin Sherman writes:

The sense of despair and danger has generated an “#Arab Lives Matter” campaign—in an evident attempt to mimic the #BlackLivesMatter (BLM) movement in the United States. But . . . unlike the BLM initiative in the U.S., Israel’s Arab leaders are calling for increased—not decreased—police presence.

Despite the fact that Israel’s deputy police commissioner Jamal Hakrush is a Muslim Arab, Arab leaders have discouraged young Israeli Muslims from enlisting in the police—as Christian Arabs and Druze do. . . . Perversely, Arab lawmakers who bewail police inaction oppose setting up police stations in Arab towns. Thus, Ayman Odeh, head of the Joint Arab List, asserted: “More police stations are not necessary.” Another Joint List parliamentarian, Yousef Jabareen, declared, “We see the police as part of the oppression mechanism in Israel.”

Harkush is one of many Arabs who disagree with these parliamentarians. But what of the argument that the underlying causes of the crime wave are poverty and lack of resources? Sherman writes:

Firstly, there is an apparent overstatement of the level of poverty that prevails in Israel in general, and in the Arab sector in particular. [Moreover], despite accusations that they are subject to prejudice and suspicion from their Jewish counterparts, which diminish their chances for advancement and employment, Arab Israelis attend Israeli universities and other academic institutions in significant numbers, with a particularly steep rise in the last decade.

But concern over economic disparities has led successive Israeli governments to funnel money into Arab communities, with paradoxical results. Sherman cites an Arab lawyer who pointed out that, “municipality heads were always targeted by criminal organizations,” but following the legislation that has directed billions of dollars into the Arab sector in the past six years, “as more money has been spent on local authorities, the local authorities have become a larger prize.”

Nor is Sherman inclined toward such chauvinistic explanations as the suggestion that “Arab culture” is simply more violent. He concludes:

While it is true that the violent crime wave in Arab-Israeli society cannot be ignored and requires greater and more muscular intervention by state authorities, it is a problem that is unlikely to be adequately addressed without some profound soul-searching by Arab Israelis themselves, and greater identification with the state in which they live and with the institutions whose protection they seek. In the absence of such change, the current criminal surge could easily morph into interethnic conflict and civil war.

For some time, opponents of U.S support for Israel have been urging the White House to end the war in Gaza, or simply calling for a ceasefire. Douglas Feith and Lewis Libby consider what such a result would actually entail:

Ending the war immediately would allow Hamas to survive and retain military and governing power. Leaving it in the area containing the Sinai-Gaza smuggling routes would ensure that Hamas can rearm. This is why Hamas leaders now plead for a ceasefire. A ceasefire will provide some relief for Gazans today, but a prolonged ceasefire will preserve Hamas’s bloody oppression of Gaza and make future wars with Israel inevitable.

For most Gazans, even when there is no hot war, Hamas’s dictatorship is a nightmarish tyranny. Hamas rule features the torture and murder of regime opponents, official corruption, extremist indoctrination of children, and misery for the population in general. Hamas diverts foreign aid and other resources from proper uses; instead of improving life for the mass of the people, it uses the funds to fight against Palestinians and Israelis.

Moreover, a Hamas-affiliated website warned Gazans last month against cooperating with Israel in securing and delivering the truckloads of aid flowing into the Strip. It promised to deal with those who do with “an iron fist.” In other words, if Hamas remains in power, it will begin torturing, imprisoning, or murdering those it deems collaborators the moment the war ends. Thereafter, Hamas will begin planning its next attack on Israel:

Hamas’s goals are to overshadow the Palestinian Authority, win control of the West Bank, and establish Hamas leadership over the Palestinian revolution. Hamas’s ultimate aim is to spark a regional war to obliterate Israel and, as Hamas leaders steadfastly maintain, fulfill a Quranic vision of killing all Jews.

Hamas planned for corpses of Palestinian babies and mothers to serve as the mainspring of its October 7 war plan. Hamas calculated it could survive a war against a superior Israeli force and energize enemies of Israel around the world. The key to both aims was arranging for grievous Palestinian civilian losses. . . . That element of Hamas’s war plan is working impressively.