How the Deir Yassin Libel Helped to Create the Palestinian Refugee Problem

In March 1948, units of the Leḥi and Irgun—Zionist militias in competition with the Haganah—seized the Arab village of Deir Yassin in an effort to relieve the siege of Jerusalem. Tales of the conquerors’ brutal behavior spread rapidly, encouraging other Arabs to flee their homes. While some of the more lurid tales were soon disproved, conventional wisdom—embraced by serious historians—states that, after fierce and chaotic fighting, poorly trained and panicked Jewish soldiers opened fire at private residences, leaving about 100 dead, including many civilians. But a recent book, now available in English, tells a very different tale. Daniel Gordis writes:

Eliezer Tauber, a former dean at Bar-Ilan University and an expert on the formation of Arab nationalism, has taken on the Deir Yassin story with painstaking attention to detail unmatched by any other study. Tauber’s conclusion is [that there] was no massacre, . . . but a hard-fought battle in which Palestinian combatants stationed themselves in residences and among families. Using both Arab and Jewish testimony from combatants on both sides and survivors of the “massacre” (testimony which often offered almost identical accounts), he was able to account for the circumstances of almost every Palestinian death in the village. With a handful of exceptions which he does not seek to paper over, virtually all those killed were killed as part of fighting—either because they were combatants, or because they were situated near combatants.

For the most part, he says, “people in Deir Yassin were killed, not massacred.” That distinction, of course, is critically important, particularly given the high-profile role Deir Yassin continues to play in oft-made claims about Israel’s having been “born in sin.”

As Gordis explains, this is not a mere case of random historical error, but of something more sinister. Immediately after the battle, rumors spread, first among Arabs and then among Jews, that the Irgun and Leḥi fighters had sexually assaulted villager en masse. These reports have long since been discredited, but shine light on a different truth:

If the accusations of rape were false, and those who were present knew that they were concocted, how did the false claims come to be so widely believed? The Palestine Broadcast Service, Tauber shows, was instructed to say that there had been rapes, mutilation of bodies, murders, and more. The [radio station] complied, and given the source, many people believed the claims without question. . . . That was what led the Arab population to flee.

Read more at Israel from the Inside

More about: Deir Yassin, Israeli history, Israeli War of Independence, Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

For the Sake of Gaza, Defeat Hamas Soon

For some time, opponents of U.S support for Israel have been urging the White House to end the war in Gaza, or simply calling for a ceasefire. Douglas Feith and Lewis Libby consider what such a result would actually entail:

Ending the war immediately would allow Hamas to survive and retain military and governing power. Leaving it in the area containing the Sinai-Gaza smuggling routes would ensure that Hamas can rearm. This is why Hamas leaders now plead for a ceasefire. A ceasefire will provide some relief for Gazans today, but a prolonged ceasefire will preserve Hamas’s bloody oppression of Gaza and make future wars with Israel inevitable.

For most Gazans, even when there is no hot war, Hamas’s dictatorship is a nightmarish tyranny. Hamas rule features the torture and murder of regime opponents, official corruption, extremist indoctrination of children, and misery for the population in general. Hamas diverts foreign aid and other resources from proper uses; instead of improving life for the mass of the people, it uses the funds to fight against Palestinians and Israelis.

Moreover, a Hamas-affiliated website warned Gazans last month against cooperating with Israel in securing and delivering the truckloads of aid flowing into the Strip. It promised to deal with those who do with “an iron fist.” In other words, if Hamas remains in power, it will begin torturing, imprisoning, or murdering those it deems collaborators the moment the war ends. Thereafter, Hamas will begin planning its next attack on Israel:

Hamas’s goals are to overshadow the Palestinian Authority, win control of the West Bank, and establish Hamas leadership over the Palestinian revolution. Hamas’s ultimate aim is to spark a regional war to obliterate Israel and, as Hamas leaders steadfastly maintain, fulfill a Quranic vision of killing all Jews.

Hamas planned for corpses of Palestinian babies and mothers to serve as the mainspring of its October 7 war plan. Hamas calculated it could survive a war against a superior Israeli force and energize enemies of Israel around the world. The key to both aims was arranging for grievous Palestinian civilian losses. . . . That element of Hamas’s war plan is working impressively.

Read more at Commentary

More about: Gaza War 2023, Hamas, Joseph Biden