Since Jeremy Corbyn—a man who has expressed his admiration for Hamas, Hizballah, and Bashar al-Assad—became leader of the Labor party, anti-Semitic comments from the party’s politicians have become a dime a dozen. Douglas Murray comments:

There are, it is true, routine pro-forma denunciations of anti-Semitism from Jeremy Corbyn and his circle. But even these betray a belligerent refusal to face the problem. When invited to condemn anti-Semitism, the Corbynistas indignantly state (as Corbyn did himself last December), “We mustn’t tolerate anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, or any form of racism.” Often it is also responded to (as it is every time by Corbyn) with the blanket assertion that the individual in question has spent “all his life” fighting racism.

Several things are striking about these phrases and their emphases. The first is that it remains well-nigh impossible to get Corbyn or any of his intimates to condemn anti-Semitism without equivocation. They are comfortable condemning it only if they can include it alongside a number of what are for them more popular maladies. For decades “anti-racism” has become one of the only fuels left with which to propel indignant leftists and provide them with a sense of purpose in an age of increasing consensus. They present British society, against most evidence, as an outrageously racist place where minorities are routinely oppressed and attacked and in which anti-racism must therefore be a central component.

Even more striking is that insertion of “Islamophobia.” Corbyn-supporting journalists like the Guardian’s Owen Jones spent the early part of this year insisting that if the party were to set up an inquiry into anti-Semitism, it must also set one up into Islamophobia. Their aim is to distract from the serious charges against themselves by setting off firecrackers elsewhere. Indeed, it has become a staple of Corbynista politics that British Muslims are the new Jews. But the Jews remain the Jews and increasingly sense they are being isolated and fixed upon as an ideological scapegoat. . . .

At the 2015 election, a majority of British Jews for the first time voted Conservative. It seems unlikely that this political migration will be reversed under the leadership of a man whose career has been spent baiting Jews in all ways available to him, and who is making Britain safe for open anti-Semitism for the first time since the Victorian era.

While conventional wisdom in the Western press believes that the war with Hamas has left Jerusalem more isolated and scuttled chances of expanding the Abraham Accords, Gabriel Scheinmann points to a very different reality. He begins with Iran’s massive drone and missile attack on Israel last month, and the coalition that helped defend against it:

America’s Arab allies had, in various ways, provided intelligence and allowed U.S. and Israeli planes to operate in their airspace. Jordan, which has been vociferously attacking Israel’s conduct in Gaza for months, even publicly acknowledged that it shot down incoming Iranian projectiles. When the chips were down, the Arab coalition held and made clear where they stood in the broader Iranian war on Israel.

The successful batting away of the Iranian air assault also engendered awe in Israel’s air-defense capabilities, which have performed marvelously throughout the war. . . . Israel’s response to the Iranian night of missiles should give further courage to Saudi Arabia to codify its alignment. Israel . . . telegraphed clearly to Tehran that it could hit precise targets without its aircraft being endangered and that the threshold of a direct Israeli strike on Iranian nuclear or other sites had been breached.

The entire episode demonstrated that Israel can both hit Iranian sites and defend against an Iranian response. At a time when the United States is focused on de-escalation and restraint, Riyadh could see quite clearly that only Israel has both the capability and the will to deal with the Iranian threat.

It is impossible to know whether the renewed U.S.-Saudi-Israel negotiations will lead to a normalization deal in the immediate months ahead. . . . Regardless of the status of this deal, [however], or how difficult the war in Gaza may appear, America’s Arab allies have now become Israel’s.