In 2015, the Argentine prosecutor Alberto Nisman was close to concluding his investigation into the 1994 bombing of the Buenos Aires Jewish center (AMIA) by Iranian operatives. But he was found dead the day before he was supposed to report to the country’s congress on his findings that high-ranking government officials, including then-President Cristina Kirchner, now the vice-president—covered up Iran’s responsibility for the bombing. Benny Avni writes:

Kirchner and her supporters in the press quickly spread the notion that Nisman committed suicide—a strange act for a man about to make public a case marking the culmination of his life’s work. Consequent investigations completely demolished the suicide theory. . . . During the presidency of Kirchner’s successor, Mauricio Macri, the suicide theory was widely discarded.

[Meanwhile], a documentary series on Nisman’s death, widely distributed on Netflix, tries to present both as possibilities. The six-part series claims to show “all sides”: Kirchner acolytes insist on the suicide theory while others maintain he was murdered. That is, both flat-earthers and scientists are given equal time.

Macri, [whose presidency lasted from 2015 to 2019], tried to end the charade. . . . During his tenure, Kirchner and others were indicted on coverup charges. But Macri is [now out of office] and she is vice-president, and as such immune from incarceration. Worse: in February the judge assigned to continue Nisman’s investigation into the terrorism cases . . . passed away [and] Kirchner loyalists were named as successors.

So it looks like the government is set to wind down the AMIA investigations. The Iranian masterminds, Hizballah operatives, and Argentine collaborators will not be brought to justice. Kirchner is protected from any accusation of complicity in Nisman’s death. Any hope of closure for terror victims’ loved ones is fast fading.

For many years, Lebanon has been a de-facto satellite of Tehran, which exerts control via its local proxy militia, Hizballah. The problem with the U.S. policy toward the country, according to Tony Badran, is that it pretends this is not the case, and continues to support the government in Beirut as if it were a bulwark against, rather than a pawn of, the Islamic Republic:

So obsessed is the Biden administration with the dubious art of using taxpayer dollars to underwrite the Lebanese pseudo-state run by the terrorist group Hizballah that it has spent its two years in office coming up with legally questionable schemes to pay the salaries of the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF), setting new precedents in the abuse of U.S. foreign security-assistance programs. In January, the administration rolled out its program to provide direct salary payments, in cash, to both the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and the Internal Security Forces (ISF).

The scale of U.S. financing of Lebanon’s Hizballah-dominated military apparatus cannot be understated: around 100,000 Lebanese are now getting cash stipends courtesy of the American taxpayer to spend in Hizballah-land. . . . This is hardly an accident. For U.S. policymakers, synergy between the LAF/ISF and Hizballah is baked into their policy, which is predicated on fostering and building up a common anti-Israel posture that joins Lebanon’s so-called “state institutions” with the country’s dominant terror group.

The implicit meaning of the U.S. bureaucratic mantra that U.S. assistance aims to “undermine Hizballah’s narrative that its weapons are necessary to defend Lebanon” is precisely that the LAF/ISF and the Lebanese terror group are jointly competing to achieve the same goals—namely, defending Lebanon from Israel.