Much discussion about the threats to American Jews seem to revolve around whether to be more worried about the hatred emanating from the anti-Israel left or that from the white-supremacist right—or perhaps equally worried by both. The popular recording artist Kanye West’s recent series of anti-Semitic pronouncements, Tal Fortgang writes, suggest our attention should be directed elsewhere:

For better or worse, West is better known than, say, Marjorie Taylor Greene or Edward Said. He made his comments on radio shows and podcasts that enjoy big followings but evade outgroup attention, much less analysis.

Another lesson concerns the responses of West’s interlocutors. Sadly, those interviewing him during his outburst tended to nod along, rather than question him, and they certainly did not try to signal to the public that West was trafficking in anti-Semitic lunacy.

Finally, it’s impossible to miss the striking similarity between West’s rantings and those we are long accustomed to hearing from Louis Farrakhan, the Nation of Islam, and Black Hebrew Israelites. Watchdog groups offer various estimates, but West’s pitch-perfect imitation of Farrakhan suggests that they may be undercounting how many are influenced by the Nation of Islam leader, who regularly suggests that Jews are demons and exploiters. The basketball star Kyrie Irving, it’s worth noting, recently promoted a 2018 film redolent of Black Hebrew Israelite themes, including the accusation that Jews controlled the slave trade and worship the devil.

We know that Farrakhan is an icon in some black communities—his image appears on everything from Black Lives Matter murals to Democratic National Convention photographs, smiling next to Barack Obama—but this brand of thinking might be far more influential among regular Americans than previously known.

For some time, opponents of U.S support for Israel have been urging the White House to end the war in Gaza, or simply calling for a ceasefire. Douglas Feith and Lewis Libby consider what such a result would actually entail:

Ending the war immediately would allow Hamas to survive and retain military and governing power. Leaving it in the area containing the Sinai-Gaza smuggling routes would ensure that Hamas can rearm. This is why Hamas leaders now plead for a ceasefire. A ceasefire will provide some relief for Gazans today, but a prolonged ceasefire will preserve Hamas’s bloody oppression of Gaza and make future wars with Israel inevitable.

For most Gazans, even when there is no hot war, Hamas’s dictatorship is a nightmarish tyranny. Hamas rule features the torture and murder of regime opponents, official corruption, extremist indoctrination of children, and misery for the population in general. Hamas diverts foreign aid and other resources from proper uses; instead of improving life for the mass of the people, it uses the funds to fight against Palestinians and Israelis.

Moreover, a Hamas-affiliated website warned Gazans last month against cooperating with Israel in securing and delivering the truckloads of aid flowing into the Strip. It promised to deal with those who do with “an iron fist.” In other words, if Hamas remains in power, it will begin torturing, imprisoning, or murdering those it deems collaborators the moment the war ends. Thereafter, Hamas will begin planning its next attack on Israel:

Hamas’s goals are to overshadow the Palestinian Authority, win control of the West Bank, and establish Hamas leadership over the Palestinian revolution. Hamas’s ultimate aim is to spark a regional war to obliterate Israel and, as Hamas leaders steadfastly maintain, fulfill a Quranic vision of killing all Jews.

Hamas planned for corpses of Palestinian babies and mothers to serve as the mainspring of its October 7 war plan. Hamas calculated it could survive a war against a superior Israeli force and energize enemies of Israel around the world. The key to both aims was arranging for grievous Palestinian civilian losses. . . . That element of Hamas’s war plan is working impressively.