The 19th-century ḥasidic rabbi Mordechai Yosef Leiner of Izbica is best remembered today for his radical theological speculations. But this very extremism has made Leiner’s work attractive to devotees of the Jewish Renewal movement with its emphasis on “neo-ḥasidic” meditation, chanting, yoga, and the like. Presenting a brief historical account of Leiner and the sect he founded, David Bashevkin asks why his heterodox ideas never led to deviations from strict religious observance of the sort countenanced by his latter-day admirers:

Without the tempering effect of the communal environment, ḥasidic texts can seem deceptively radical. However, it cannot be forgotten that whatever [theological] radicalism existed in Izbica-Lublin, there was a concomitant experiential tradition among the “intimates” [of the rebbes] that assured communal radicalism did not develop.

Some have chosen to ignore that distinction and now use the theologically pregnant texts of Izbica-Lublin to create a new [sort of Jewish] community. Such innovations are not a continuation of the Izbica-Lublin community. At best they are misguided attempts at authenticity; at worst they can become perversions of legitimacy. For those who misapply and misrepresent ḥasidic thought, it seems that having cast off the pressure of [God’s] yoke, they now just seek solace in the touch of His presence. Unfortunately, for sound communal policy, both are needed.

While the current Egyptian president, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, has never been friendly to Hamas, his government has objected strenuously to the Israeli campaign in the southernmost part of the Gaza Strip. Haisam Hassanein explains why:

Cairo has long been playing a double game, holding Hamas terrorists near while simultaneously trying to appear helpful to the United States and Israel. Israel taking control of Rafah threatens Egypt’s ability to exploit the chaos in Gaza, both to generate profits for regime insiders and so Cairo can pose as an indispensable mediator and preserve access to U.S. money and arms.

Egyptian security officials have looked the other way while Hamas and other Palestinian militants dug tunnels on the Egyptian-Gaza border. That gave Cairo the ability to use the situation in Gaza as a tool for regional influence and to ensure Egypt’s role in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict would not be eclipsed by regional competitors such as Qatar and Turkey.

Some elements close to the Sisi regime have benefited from Hamas control over Gaza and the Rafah crossing. Media reports indicate an Egyptian company run by one of Sisi’s close allies is making hundreds of millions of dollars by taxing Gazans fleeing the current conflict.

Moreover, writes Judith Miller, the Gaza war has been a godsend to the entire Egyptian economy, which was in dire straits last fall. Since October 7, the International Monetary Fund has given the country a much-needed injection of cash, since the U.S. and other Western countries believe it is a necessary intermediary and stabilizing force. Cairo therefore sees the continuation of the war, rather than an Israeli victory, as most desirable. Hassanein concludes:

Adding to its financial incentive, the Sisi regime views the Rafah crossing as a crucial card in preserving Cairo’s regional standing. Holding it increases Egypt’s relevance to countries that want to send aid to the Palestinians and ensures Washington stays quiet about Egypt’s gross human-rights violations so it can maintain a stable flow of U.S. assistance and weaponry. . . . No serious effort to turn the page on Hamas will yield the desired results without cutting this umbilical cord between the Sisi regime and Hamas.