General Martin Dempsey, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, recently praised Israel’s extraordinary efforts to prevent civilian casualties in Gaza and mentioned that the Pentagon sent a team to Israel to learn from the IDF’s policies. Yet the U.S. State Department is standing by its critique of Israel for not doing enough on this score. David Bernstein writes:

Incredibly, when asked about Dempsey’s statement, State Department spokesperson Jan Psaki asserts “it remains the broad view of the entire administration that [Israel] could have done more and they should have taken more—all feasible precautions to prevent civilian casualties.” First, Dempsey is an Obama appointee, so the idea that the “entire administration” agrees with this is nonsense. Second, we have the informed judgment of America’s top military commander against State Department civilians who don’t even bother to wait until the facts are established before condemning Israel, plus Benjamin Rhodes, whose only claim to military knowledge is that he’s been serving as President Obama’s mouthpiece on foreign-policy matters since 2007 . . .

For more than a year, the Iran-backed Houthis have been launching drones and missiles at ships traversing the Red Sea, as well as at Israeli territory, in support of Hamas. This development has drastically curtailed shipping through the Suez Canal and the Bab al-Mandeb Strait, driving up trade prices. This week, the Trump administration began an extensive bombing campaign against the Houthis in an effort to reopen that crucial waterway. Burcu Ozcelik highlights another benefit of this action:

The administration has a broader geopolitical agenda—one that includes countering China’s economic leverage, particularly Beijing’s reliance on Iranian oil. By targeting the Houthis, the United States is not only safeguarding vital shipping lanes but also exerting pressure on the Iran-China energy nexus, a key component of Beijing’s strategic posture in the region.

China was the primary destination for up to 90 percent of Iran’s oil exports in 2024, underscoring the deepening economic ties between Beijing and Tehran despite U.S. sanctions. By helping fill Iranian coffers, China aids Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in financing proxies like the Houthis. Since October of last year, notable U.S. Treasury announcements have revealed covert links between China and the Houthis.

Striking the Houthis could trigger broader repercussions—not least by disrupting the flow of Iranian oil to China. While difficult to confirm, it is conceivable and has been reported, that the Houthis may have received financial or other forms of compensation from China (such as Chinese-made military components) in exchange for allowing freedom of passage for China-affiliated vessels in the Red Sea.