Why did the French Left Vote to Recognize “Palestine”?

Like the equivalent resolution passed by the British House of Commons, the French National Assembly’s recognition of a fictive Palestinian state is a purely symbolic gesture. Although passed by the currently dominant left-wing coalition, the law will no doubt be ignored by the reigning left-wing government, which has shown uncharacteristic sympathy for Israel. Above all, writes Michel Gurfinkiel, the vote is a sign of the French left’s pending electoral collapse:

The unraveling of the French left may be the key to an intriguing paradox: why in the world did the parliamentary left insist upon a foreign-policy resolution that the governing left had no intention of implementing? Dogmatism may be at stake: supporting the state of Palestine, whatever that means and even if it might turn into an Islamic State of Palestine, is part of left and far-left mantras worldwide. A further explanation may be that the left’s last hope to survive in the coming election is to garner as much support as possible from the immigrant Muslim community, which will provide an average of 5 to 10 percent of the vote.

Finally, [President François] Hollande and [Prime Minister Manuel] Valls are so unpopular among their own constituency that the entire socialist and left-wing political class needs to distance itself from them on almost all issues, either domestic or international.

[Nicolas] Sarkozy, who was elected on November 30 as the new chairman of the conservative UMP party—an important step for being reelected as president in 2017—campaigned against the Palestine resolution. This point will not be lost on pro-Israel voters in the future, nor on a growing number of voters, both on the right and the left, that are concerned with the rise of jihadism in Europe as well as in the Middle East.

Read more at PJ Media

More about: France, Francois Hollande, Palestinian statehood

The Diplomatic Goals of Benjamin Netanyahu’s Visit to the U.S.

Yesterday, the Israeli prime minister arrived in the U.S., and he plans to address a joint session of Congress on Wednesday, but it remains uncertain whether he will meet with President Biden. Nonetheless, Amit Yagur urges Benjamin Netanyahu to use the trip for ordinary as well as public diplomacy—“assuming,” Yagur writes, “there is someone to talk to in the politically turbulent U.S.” He argues that the first priority should be discussing how to keep Iran from getting nuclear weapons. But there are other issues to tackle as well:

From the American perspective, as long as Hamas is not the official ruler in the Gaza Strip, any solution agreed upon is good. For Israel, however, it is quite clear that if Hamas remains a legitimate power factor, even if it does not head the leadership in Gaza, sooner or later, Gaza will reach the Hizballah model in Lebanon. To clarify, this means that Hamas is the actual ruler of the Strip, and sooner or later, we will see a [return] of its military capabilities as well as its actual control over the population. . . .

The UN aid organization UNRWA . . . served as a platform for Hamas terrorist elements to establish, disguise, and use UN infrastructure for terrorism. This is beside the fact that UNRWA essentially perpetuates the conflict rather than helps resolve it. How do we remove the UN and UNRWA from the “day after” equation? Can the American aid organization USAID step into UNRWA’s shoes, and what assistance can the U.S. provide to Israel in re-freezing donor-country contributions to UNRWA?

Read more at Jerusalem Post

More about: Benjamin Netanyahu, Gaza War 2023, U.S.-Israel relationship