At the start of the academic year, Liel Leibovitz has some advice for college students facing the increasing hostility toward Israel. Among his suggestions is to “attack whenever you can”:

No matter what your major, you might have heard that old adage about the best defense being a good offense. . . . Much of the pro-Israel activism on college campuses these days [is defensive]. If the BDSers are staging a public event, [the logic goes], let us do the same, and if the college walk is blocked by pro-Palestinian activists, their shirts stained with fake blood, staging a theatrical “die-in” to protest some alleged Israeli atrocity or other, let us make sure we’re there on the sidelines to present the other side, a well-reasoned pamphlet at hand. I’m not belittling these tactics. There’s evidence to suggest that they might be working. . . .

But, whenever you can, which ought to be often, you must attack. When Iran continues to rev up its execution rate, for example, it may be time for a die-in of our own, or, at the very least, for a demand that any student organization critical of the Jewish state but silent about the Islamic Republic explain its tacit support for this abysmal violation of human rights. Insist that pro-Palestinian groups only deserve that distinction if they commemorate the scores of Palestinians starved and slain by the Assad regime every day.

On Tuesday, representatives of Hamas met with their counterparts from Fatah—the faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) once led by Yasir Arafat that now governs parts of the West Bank—in Beijing to discuss possible reconciliation. While it is unlikely that these talks will yield any more progress than the many previous rounds, they constitute a significant step in China’s increasing attempts to involve itself in the Middle East on the side of Israel’s enemies.

By contrast, writes Tuvia Gering, Taiwan has been quick and consistent in its condemnations of Hamas and Iran and its expressions of sympathy with Israel:

Support from Taipei goes beyond words. Taiwan’s appointee in Tel Aviv and de-facto ambassador, Abby Lee, has been busy aiding hostage families, adopting the most affected kibbutzim in southern Israel, and volunteering with farmers. Taiwan recently pledged more than half a million dollars to Israel for critical initiatives, including medical and communications supplies for local municipalities. This follows earlier aid from Taiwan to an organization helping Israeli soldiers and families immediately after the October 7 attack.

The reasons why are not hard to fathom:

In many ways, Taiwan sees a reflection of itself in Israel—two vibrant democracies facing threats from hostile neighbors. Both nations wield substantial economic and technological prowess, and both heavily depend on U.S. military exports and diplomacy. Taipei also sees Israel as a “role model” for what Taiwan should aspire to be, citing its unwavering determination and capabilities to defend itself.

On a deeper level, Taiwanese leaders seem to view Israel’s war with Hamas and Iran as an extension of a greater struggle between democracy and autocracy.

Gering urges Israel to reciprocate these expressions of friendship and to take into account that “China has been going above and beyond to demonize the Jewish state in international forums.” Above all, he writes, Jerusalem should “take a firmer stance against China’s support for Hamas and Iran-backed terrorism, exposing the hypocrisy and repression that underpin its vision for a new global order.”