Jewish Terrorists Are Against Religious-Zionist Rabbis, Not Their Followers

Jan. 12 2016

Ever since the July firebombing of a Palestinian home that killed three, the Israeli left—not to mention American and European media—have insinuated that the Jews charged with this terrorist deed were influenced by endemic and inflammatory rhetoric on the part of religious-Zionist rabbis. The truth, writes Evelyn Gordon, is very different:

Today’s Jewish terror doesn’t happen because of the rabbis. It is a protest against the rabbis, staged by young Jewish extremists. They regard the rabbis as too moderate and willing to compromise. They consider the rabbis Dov Lior and Yitzḥak Ginsburgh—whose names are whispered in television studios as the arch-terrorists of our generation—to be moderates because they don’t back violence.

The problem with the Jewish extremists of today is not the places they study but the fact that they don’t study. If they were students in Lior’s much-maligned Nir yeshiva in Kiryat Arba instead of wandering the hilltops of the West Bank, probably they wouldn’t have gone out and set fire to a family home in the dark of night.

The proof is [this]: none of Lior’s students is involved in the current terror activities. If he were to teach [terror], his students would probably follow his teachings. But that is not his way. . . .

Yosef Ḥayim Ben-David, who burned Mohammed Abu Khdeir to death in July 2014, did not grow up in the religious Zionist movement. Nor did the minor who stabbed several Palestinians in Dimona last October. Neither did Shlomo Pinto, who mistakenly stabbed a Jewish man in Kiryat Ata that same month.

Read more at Evelyn Gordon

More about: Israel & Zionism, Israeli left, Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Religious Zionism, Terrorism

The U.S. Should Demand Accountability from Egypt

Sept. 19 2024

Before exploding electronics in Lebanon seized the attention of the Israeli public, debate there had focused on the Philadelphi Corridor—the strip of land between Gaza and Egypt—and whether the IDF can afford to withdraw from it. Egypt has opposed Israeli control of the corridor, which is crucial to Hamas’s supply lines, and Egyptian objections likely prevented Israel from seizing it earlier in the war. Yet, argues Mariam Wahba, Egypt in the long run only stands to lose by letting Hamas use the corridor, and has proved incapable of effectively sealing it off:

Ultimately, this moment presents an opportunity for the United States to hold Egypt’s feet to the fire.

To press Cairo, the United States should consider conditioning future aid on Cairo’s willingness to cooperate. This should include a demand for greater transparency and independent oversight to verify Egyptian claims about the tunnels. Congress ought to hold hearings to understand better Egypt’s role and its compliance as a U.S. ally. Despite Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s nine trips to the Middle East since the start of the war, there has been little clarity on how Egypt intends to fulfill its role as a mediator.

By refusing to acknowledge Israel’s legitimate security concerns, Egypt is undermining its own interests, prolonging the war in Gaza, and further destabilizing its relationship with Jerusalem. It is time for Egyptian leaders either to admit their inability to secure the border and seek help from Israel and America, or to risk being perceived as enablers of Hamas and its terrorist campaign.

Read more at National Review

More about: Egypt, Gaza War 2023, U.S. Foreign policy