Yesterday’s newsletter noted that eleven people were injured in the Hizballah drone attack on the Druze village of Hurfeish in northern Israel. Subsequently, one of them—Sergeant Refael Kauders—died from his wounds. Yoav Zitun describes the sophisticated way in which the Lebanon-based terrorist group used its drones to evade Israeli defenses, demonstrating

to what extent Hizballah and Iran have in the last eight months turned the Galilee not only into a land abandoned by its residents, but also into a research and development laboratory for weapons, to create accurate and deadly weapons in preparation for an extensive confrontation with Israel.

So far, nearly 1,000 rockets and drones have been launched from Lebanon, before a “real war” has even broken out in the north. Most of the launches are in daylight, because that way it is easier to aim and hit. The research and development of the Hizballah-Iran axis also surprises the Israeli side, so much so that the accurate and long-range anti-tank missiles have already [appeared in] a third-generation version in the last month.

The response of the IDF is not only defensive in the face of these threats but also offensive in the form of hundreds of bombings of weapons centers, [some] deep inside Lebanon, but Hizballah has used since the outbreak of the war quantities of weapons that could testify to a huge arsenal, possibly beyond what Israeli intelligence knows.

As the Israeli news website Walla reports, IDF officers believe they have “caused massive damage to Hizballah” with these airstrikes, yet the terrorist group still retains the ability to launch more significant and coordinated attacks. More worrisome still is their assessment that Hizballah’s supply of the most advanced missiles remains intact.

In an essay published last fall, Hussein Aboubakr explained how the story of the Nakba has been adopted by one generation after another of Arab revolutionaries as a tool to advance their respective visions of the Middle East. Now, he argues, the meaning of the Palestinian cause has mutated again, leaving the bounds of the Middle East completely. The evidence can be seen on American college campuses:

Instead of being a marginal cause supported and funded by foreign elements, anti-Zionism is in fact the flagship foreign-policy cause of the international left and the academic vanguard of progressive activism. A cause that was once regarded as fundamentally foreign is now mainstream across blue American cities and liberal elite institutions.

Whether wearing a hijab or a Star of David, Students for Justice in Palestine anti-Israel activists are not simply freaks who demonstrate in favor of Hamas. They are mainstream products of the monoculture of the academic left. . . . For contemporary college students, the Israel-Palestine issue is not a separate foreign-policy issue referring to the struggles of people in a small spit of sand in the Middle East. It is a domestic issue of social justice that fits within a unitary and indivisible framework of global justice concerns and decolonization.

Young American Jews have often shied away from facing the prospect that other liberal Americans of their generation—increasingly indoctrinated into left-wing ideologies and seeking a “leftist organizing space” for the struggle against racism, colonialism, and imperialism—are much more likely to align with pro-Palestinian activism than with Jews. One of the reasons is that many young Jews go to the same schools, where they are indoctrinated into the same ideologies, and are often unlikely to question critically whether there is something inherently distorted and dangerous in them.