In the 1990s, a German artist began to place cobblestone-sized brass markers on the sidewalks of German cities, each one commemorating a single victim of the Nazis who lived nearby. Now over 40,000 of these Stolpersteine (stumbling-stones) can be found throughout several European countries. The German town of Villingen, however, has repeatedly refused to take part. Lisa Lampert-Weissig writes:

It is . . . precisely the possibility of people encountering the history of Villingen’s Jews at every turn . . . that has led some civic leaders to reject the Stolpersteine, first in 2004 and then again at the end of 2013. Prominent local politician Renate Breuning, who belongs to the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), the party of Chancellor Angela Merkel, carefully explained her opposition to the Stolpersteine in the local paper . . . in 2004. Breuning expressed concern that marking the sidewalk in front of specific homes might give the impression that their current owners benefited financially from the Third Reich’s theft of Jewish property. Noting that there were already memorials to Villingen’s Jews, Breuning further argued that it was time to stop creating new memorials and to allow Germans to go about their day-to-day existence without having to confront the past.

A decade later Breuning appears fed up with the controversy, and her careful discourse has devolved into vulgarity. According to the . . . Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, soon after the 2013 vote Breuning responded to a reporter’s query about the Stolpersteine with a crude sexualized expression, asserting that the controversy was of no concern to anyone outside the local community.

Like his predecessor, Donald Trump seeks to expand the Abraham Accords to include Saudi Arabia. But there are other Arab nations that might consider taking such a step. Ahmad Charai points to Kuwait—home to the Middle East’s largest U.S. army base and desperately in need of economic reform—as a good candidate. Kuwaitis haven’t forgiven Palestinians for supporting Saddam Hussein during his 1990 invasion, but their country has been more rhetorically hostile to Israel than its Gulf neighbors:

The Abraham Accords have reshaped Middle Eastern diplomacy. . . . Kuwait, however, remains hesitant due to internal political resistance. While full normalization may not be immediately feasible, the United States should encourage Kuwait to take gradual steps toward engagement, emphasizing how participation in regional cooperation does not equate to abandoning its historical positions.

Kuwait could use its influence to push for peace in the Middle East through diplomatic channels opened by engagement rather than isolation. The economic benefits of joining the broader framework of the Abraham Accords are overwhelming. Israel’s leadership in technology, agriculture, and water management presents valuable opportunities for Kuwait to enhance its infrastructure. Trade and investment flows would diversify the economy, providing new markets and business partnerships.

Kuwaiti youth, who are increasingly looking for opportunities beyond the public sector, could benefit from collaboration with advanced industries, fostering job creation and entrepreneurial growth. The UAE and Bahrain have already demonstrated how normalization with Israel can drive economic expansion while maintaining their respective geopolitical identities.