In conversation with Damian Thompson, Benedict Kiely discusses the plight of Christian minorities in countries around the world. Best known may be the violence against Christians committed by Muslims from Iraq to Nigeria. But these are not the only cases: Christians have been victims of deadly attacks in Burma, Sri Lanka, and India, as well as brutal suppression by the Chinese and North Korean governments. Kiely argues that Western indifference is sometimes a product of anti-Christian and anti-religious prejudice. In contrast to this indifference, Kiely and Thompson point to the heroic efforts made by Jews to save their brethren around the world, both through philanthropic organizations and by the Israeli government—and, moreover, the leading role Jews have played in condemning the persecution of Christians in the Middle East and elsewhere. (Audio, 31 minutes. The discussion of Jewish attitudes begins around the 16-minute mark.)

Yesterday I saw an unconfirmed report that the Biden administration has offered Israel a massive arms deal in exchange for a promise not to strike Iran’s nuclear facilities. Even if the report is incorrect, there is plenty of other evidence that the White House has been trying to dissuade Jerusalem from mounting such an attack. The thinking behind this pressure is hard to fathom, as there is little Israel could do that would better serve American interests in the Middle East than putting some distance between the ayatollahs and nuclear weapons. Aaron MacLean explains why this is so, in the context of a broader discussion of strategic priorities in the Middle East and elsewhere:

If the Iran issue were satisfactorily adjusted in the direction of the American interest, the question of Israel’s security would become more manageable overnight. If a network of American partners enjoyed security against state predation, the proactive suppression of militarily less serious threats like Islamic State would be more easily organized—and indeed, such partners would be less vulnerable to the manipulation of powers external to the region.

[The Biden administration’s] commitment to escalation avoidance has had the odd effect of making the security situation in the region look a great deal as it would if America had actually withdrawn [from the Middle East].

Alternatively, we could project competence by effectively backing our Middle East partners in their competitions against their enemies, who are also our enemies, by ensuring a favorable overall balance of power in the region by means of our partnership network, and by preventing Iran from achieving nuclear status—even if it courts escalation with Iran in the shorter run.