Where Do New York Times Editors Think Anti-Semitism Comes From? The Sky?

A front-page story on European anti-Semitism appeared in the New York Times in September. It contained, as Matthew Continetti notes, “no breaking news, no revelations, no surprising analyses, and no startling perspectives.” Nor did the paper draw any connection between its “discovery” of a resurgence of anti-Semitism and the poisoned climate of opinion fostered in European—or American—media, prominently including the Times itself, with their constant and relentless harping on the alleged sins of of the state of Israel. But that connection, writes Continetti, is inescapable and pernicious:

Throw a dart, and it will land on a publication or media company whose feelings toward Israel are, in a word, bellicose. The Independent, the Guardian, the Economist, the BBC, the Washington Post, the New Yorker, the Atlantic Monthly, Vox, NPR, PBS, CNN, MSNBC, Time, Newsweek, the Lancet—they all portray Israel as rapacious and the Palestinians as helpless victims of Jewish sadism. Their fixation on Israel becomes a fixation on Jews that creates a noxious climate of opinion, breeding conspiracy theories, accusations of dual loyalties, intimidation, even violence.

And when these fumes come “out of the shadows,” and make contact with an environment in which anti-Zionists and anti-Semites reside, the hazards, as we see in the Middle East and in Europe, are real. And they are deadly.

Read more at Commentary

More about: Anti-Semitism, Anti-Zionism, Media, New York Times

Israel Is on the Verge of a Second Constitutional Revolution That Would Make the Courts, Not the People, Sovereign

Dec. 11 2020

In the 1995 Mizraḥi Bank decision, the Israeli Supreme Court deemed that the country’s Basic Laws—pieces of legislation that lay out the functioning of the government—serve as its constitution. Thus then-Chief Justice Aharon Barack granted the court the authority to strike down laws it judges to be unconstitutional, even though Israel has no written constitution. This decision laid the groundwork for the Supreme Court’s habit of dangerous overreach. But in an upcoming case, the court will consider reversing this precedent in such a way as to arrogate even more power to itself. Eugene Kontorovich and Shimon Nataf write:

On December 22, the court will hear challenges to the constitutionality of the nation-state Basic Law. By agreeing to hear such challenges, the court is suggesting that while Basic Laws are enacted through the sovereign power of the people, there is some law even higher than these Basic Laws. And the only body with the authority to determine the contents of the invisible “higher law” is the court itself. In other words, . . . the court believes that it has the power to strike down the constitution as unconstitutional.

The nation-state law was just the start. The court has recently issued orders claiming jurisdiction over the constitutionality of changes in the Basic Laws regarding government structure that were enacted by the Knesset to implement the recent national unity-government arrangement. The court’s orders have suggested that such constitutional amendments can be struck down if the court believes they were adopted “in bad faith,” whatever that means. Most likely, the court will uphold all or most of these measures—but by simply agreeing to hear cases about the constitutionality of the constitution, the court positioned itself formally and openly as supreme over the Israeli legal system.

Read more at Tablet

More about: Israel's Basic Law, Israeli Supreme Court, Nation-State Law