Arab World
And other signs for optimism.
The U.S. has a long history of supporting despotic regimes in the Middle East in the name of stability. They have also been surprised when. . .
Last year, the thirty-one-year-old Saudi blogger Raif Badawi was sentenced to 1,000 lashes (along with ten years of imprisonment and a fine of approximately $250,000). . .
When Benjamin Netanyahu told the UN that he believes in “two states for two peoples based on mutual recognition,” his real intended audience was the. . .
States are weak or collapsing throughout the Arab world. And what is the favorite obsession of the “international community”? To create another one.
Nobody could match him as an interpreter of the Arab Middle East—or as a deft and witty scourge of his academic opponents.
For stating his duty to warn Israelis about potential terror attacks, a Dubai police chief invited upon himself a worldwide campaign of vilification.
Holocaust museums graphically present pre-war hate propaganda, but shy away from showcasing the hatred of Jews prevalent in the Arab world.
In death as in life, the late Israeli leader serves as a bogeyman in the Arab world and a convenient excuse for avoiding its pathologies of violence.
A sustained campaign of television and radio outreach has taken the edge off China’s unpopularity in the Arab world. Can the U.S. emulate its. . .
To understand the Arab world’s encounter with democratic modernity—one of the titanic political struggles of our age—it helps to know your Alexis de Tocqueville.
The 1950s saw a population-and-asset exchange between Israel and its neighbors that was tacitly recognized by Arab leaders at the time—but is conveniently ignored today.
Are Arabs too distracted by the Israel/Palestinian conflict to modernize and liberalize their societies? The suggestion marks a new low in Western apologetics for. . .
Arab think tanks are growing in number, influence, and willingness to cooperate with Israel. Could they transform Israel’s relationship with its neighbors?