In the 15th century, the University of Padua’s medical school opened its doors to Jewish students, and by the 1600s it had become the alma mater of a sizeable number of Jewish physicians at a time when European universities were generally closed to Jews. Edward Reichman examines a set of extraordinary documents to show how some of these students combined talmudic study with their medical training:

Early modern Italy seems to have provided particularly fertile soil for the nurturing and growth of the physician-rabbi. . . . This unique geographic and chronological synthesis of medicine and Torah learning is also reflected in an under-recognized phenomenon. [Many physicians were ordained as rabbis]; other physicians, or in some cases, soon-to-be physicians, obtained the prestigious degree of haver, a lower form of rabbinic ordination.

Little attention has been paid to this not insignificant group of Jewish physicians in Italy who procured a haver certificate. During this period, the University of Padua was, with few exceptions, the primary place of attendance for university-trained Jewish physicians.

Literally meaning “friend,” the term haver is talmudic in origin and akin to the modern academic term “fellow.” Reichman carefully examines the haver diplomas, as well as congratulatory poems celebrating these scholars’ graduations from medical school, and observes that status as a haver and as a physician seemed to go together.

Steve Witkoff, the American special envoy leading negotiations with the Islamic Republic, has sent mixed signals about his intentions, some of them recently contradicted by Secretary of State Marco Rubio. Michael Doran looks at the progress of the talks so far, and explains why he fears that they could result in an even worse version of the 2015 deal, known formally as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA):

This new deal will preserve Iran’s latent nuclear weapons capabilities—centrifuges, scientific expertise, and unmonitored sites—that will facilitate a simple reconstitution in the future. These capabilities are far more potent today than they were in 2015, with Iran’s advances making them easier to reactivate, a significant step back from the JCPOA’s constraints.

In return, President Trump would offer sanctions relief, delivering countless billions of dollars to Iranian coffers. Iran, in the meantime, will benefit from the permanent erasure of JCPOA snapback sanctions, set to expire in October 2025, reducing U.S. leverage further. Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps will use the revenues to support its regional proxies, such as Hizballah, Hamas, and the Houthis, whom it will arm with missiles and drones that will not be restricted by the deal.

Worse still, Israel will not be able to take action to stop Iran from producing nuclear weapons:

A unilateral military strike . . . is unlikely without Trump’s backing, as Israel needs U.S. aircraft and missile defenses to counter Iran’s retaliation with drones, ballistic missiles, and cruise missiles—a counterattack Israel cannot fend off alone.

By defanging Iran’s proxies and destroying its defenses, Israel stripped Tehran naked, creating a historic opportunity to end forever the threat of its nuclear weapons program. But Tehran’s weakness also convinced it to enter the kind of negotiations at which it excels. Israel’s battlefield victories, therefore, facilitated a deal that will place Iran’s nuclear program under an undeclared but very real American protective shield.