One of the anti-Israel calumnies that has gained traction in the past few weeks is that the IDF is taking the lives of a disproportionate number of journalists. The idea seems to come from a report issued last month by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), whose president claims that the Gaza war has been the “deadliest conflict for journalists” since the group started keeping records over 30 years ago. CPJ and those who cite its report also insinuate—or claim flat out—that Israel is systematically targeting these reporters, in what one Washington Post columnist called “an assault on memory, truth, and . . . Palestinian culture.”

The groundwork for these claims—which are entirely without merit—was laid in 2022 after the death of Al Jazeera’s Shireen Abu Akleh. Besides being absurd and unfounded, wrote Michael Oren at the time, “the charge that Israel deliberately killed Abu Akleh and other innocent correspondents reflects an image of Jews as demonic.”

Already in November, the media watchdog CAMERA pointed out that several of these supposed journalists worked directly for Hamas, and others indirectly. Another watchdog, Honest Reporting, observed the blurred lines between reporters and terrorists in Gaza by exposing the active participation of two photojournalists, who work for Reuters and other agencies, in the events of October 7, and their eager messages encouraging others to join in.

In a comprehensive study, David Collier dissects the specific evidence mustered by CPJ, and shows its flimsiness:

Half of the people that CPJ lists as journalists work for Hamas or Islamic Jihad channels. CPJ admits some do, but either from ignorance or laziness it appears unaware of the others. In any case it still lists them all as journalists. This is in direct breach of CPJ’s own guidelines which says working for terrorist groups should discount them. The situation is absurd.

Part of the problem appears to be that CPJ did one-dimensional, lazy, and amateurish research. It took the Hamas list and worked backwards. They probably googled the name and if they found a couple of links in support then they ran with it themselves. This is working the wrong way round.

Because CPJ did not research properly, the entire CPJ list was full of errors. [In fact], many of those included in the lists are not journalists at all.

Israel will likely respond directly against Iran after yesterday’s attack, and has made known that it will calibrate its retaliation based not on the extent of the damage, but on the scale of the attack. The specifics are anyone’s guess, but Edward Luttwak has a suggestion, put forth in an article published just hours before the missile barrage: cut off Tehran’s ability to send money and arms to Shiite Arab militias.

In practice, most of this cash comes from a single source: oil. . . . In other words, the flow of dollars that sustains Israel’s enemies, and which has caused so much trouble to Western interests from the Syrian desert to the Red Sea, emanates almost entirely from the oil loaded onto tankers at the export terminal on Khark Island, a speck of land about 25 kilometers off Iran’s southern coast. Benjamin Netanyahu warned in his recent speech to the UN General Assembly that Israel’s “long arm” can reach them too. Indeed, Khark’s location in the Persian Gulf is relatively close. At 1,516 kilometers from Israel’s main airbase, it’s far closer than the Houthis’ main oil import terminal at Hodeida in Yemen—a place that was destroyed by Israeli jets in July, and attacked again [on Sunday].