Always a problem, violent anti-Semitism has gotten more frequent and more severe in Europe since October 7. European leaders have in many cases issued condemnations, and can point to various plans to combat anti-Semitism that their governments have approved in the past few years. But, argues Menachem Margolin, such steps have had “no visible or demonstrable practical application.”

Police departments are hamstrung in the face of openly anti-Semitic protests, unsure, and therefore unable, to stop public manifestations of hate. The courts, too, seem to have little to no framework available when it comes to prosecuting the anti-Zionists and anti-Semites who have made our collective Jewish life here in Europe hell.

The result? Jew haters are emboldened because they can act with impunity.

Today, the number-one cost for Jewish communities is security. Jews are largely on their own, footing the bill for private security and equipment—funds that could be used for Sunday schooling, community development, or holiday celebrations. I should also add here that the EU just put out a call for funding the security of Jewish institutions, but the bloc’s bureaucracy is often so cumbersome that—as one prominent rabbi put it—“it’s like asking someone to fill out a lengthy insurance form while your house is on fire.”

In short—and let me be blunt—if governments aren’t prepared, or are unwilling, to turn words into action . . . the entire strategy will be useless.

Israel’s goals of freeing the hostages and defeating Hamas (the latter necessary to prevent further hostage taking) are to some extent contradictory, since Yahya Sinwar, the ruler of the Gaza Strip, will only turn over hostages in exchange for concessions. But Jacob Nagel remains convinced that Jerusalem should continue to pursue both goals:

Only consistent military pressure on Hamas can lead to the hostages’ release, either through negotiation or military operation. There’s little chance of reaching a deal with Hamas using current approaches, including the latest Egyptian proposal. Israeli concessions would only encourage further pressure from Hamas.

There is no incentive for Hamas to agree to a deal, especially since it believes it can achieve its full objectives without one. Unfortunately, many contribute to this belief, mainly from outside of Israel, but also from within.

Recent months saw Israel mistakenly refraining from entering Rafah for several reasons. Initially, the main [reason was to try] to negotiate a deal with Hamas. However, as it became clear that Hamas was uninterested, and its only goal was to return to its situation before October 7—where Hamas and its leadership control Gaza, Israeli forces are out, and there are no changes in the borders—the deal didn’t mature.